It remains unclear what kind of government will emerge in the German state of Saxony-Anhalt after the AfD's election victory there. Commentators across Europe voice concern about the strong performance of the party's regional branch – which is officially classified as right-wing extremist – and what this means for Europe's security, the cohesion of the EU and democracy in other countries.
“Over the past decade Germany has lost both Russia's cheap energy and China as an export market and is now likely to lose the US's protective umbrella. ... What has failed is the promise of shared prosperity upon which Europe was rebuilt after the Second World War, as well as a response to the discontent among sectors of the population that are now turning to the simplistic answers offered by the radicals. ... This must now be achieved by defending the European social model and showing respect for the electorate. ... There is no other country in which prosperity and democracy have gone so hand in hand as in Germany, which rebuilt itself from nothing after 1945. If this promise fails there, it may fail elsewhere. And that would be the end of Europe as we know it.”
The outcome in Saxony-Anhalt has implications for the whole of Europe, writes lawyer Mariana de Sousa in Visão:
“The German election result does not pose a direct risk to Portugal. The risk is that practices that undermine the limits of power could come to be regarded as normal here too. If forms of pressure on the courts, attacks on the press, the marginalisation of minorities or the discrediting of the electoral system find support in one European country, they can be copied in other countries and presented as acceptable. What happens in another European country does not change our rights overnight. It can, however, change what we come to accept as normal.”
The rise of the AfD is symptomatic of the political climate in Europe, explains Večer:
“It is an indicator of the current – or rather long-standing – political mood in Europe, particularly in Central Europe. ... The struggle for political power is increasingly focused on the centre-right – to a greater or lesser extent depending on the country – and the far right. Germany, Austria, Poland and Hungary are examples of this. In these countries, parties that belong to the conservative European People's Party (EPP) are in power. All of them – with the exception of Hungary, where people are still riding the wave of enthusiasm following Viktor Orbán's defeat – are facing a growing threat from the far-right parties that are currently in opposition.”
Neatkarīgā explains why the AfD poses a threat to Europe and countries like Latvia:
“First and foremost, because the AfD does not recognise Europe's common interests. It advocates unrestricted and all-encompassing cooperation with Putin's Russia because it sees nothing in Russia that would prevent normal coexistence. ... Clearly, the AfD leaders do not care in the slightest about the interests of Latvia or other 'small' countries. AfD politicians and their voters argue that it is not worth spilling the blood of German soldiers for Narva, or even depriving them of a single cent from which they themselves would benefit.”
“In a sense, this is a Brexit moment for German politics. A group of people that had been marginalised and labelled as far-right or populist has suddenly gained popularity. However, the views they espouse run directly counter to Germany's position – not only in Europe but also within the Western democratic camp. Germany's position has gained importance in recent years as Berlin has emerged as a key ally of Ukraine in its struggle after the scaling back of US aid, and at the same time it (potentially) has the strongest European army in Nato. The pro-Russian AfD is therefore far more dangerous than the supporters of Brexit's architect Nigel Farage.”
Prime Minister of Italy Giorgia Meloni and her government have been in office for just under four years now – longer than any other Italian government in the last 80 years. When she first took power many feared that her party, Fratelli d'Italia, and its post-fascist roots would have a negative impact on the government's work and Italy's role in Europe. Commentators take stock.
“Having come to power four years ago with a populist agenda and leading a far-right party, Giorgia Meloni has established herself as a pro-European and pragmatic politician who has brought Italy an unusual degree of stability. In fact, at 1,413 days, her term in office is now the longest in the history of the Italian Republic. ... The flexibility she has shown in allaying initial fears while simultaneously holding together a three-party coalition government can serve as an example for the European far right. ... Meloni's Italy is now a country of considerable clout within the EU and is leading the crucial debate on immigration.”
“She has brought stability to a country which is a by-word for instability. Global markets now regard the Italian economy as more stable than those of France and Britain. This is a revolutionary turn-around, when you think that, in 2011, at the height of the Euro Crisis the interest rate on Italian bonds shot through the roof and threatened the survival of the Euro itself. ... Her party, Fratelli d'Italia, remains well ahead of other parties in the polls with more support than it got votes at the 2022 general election, ... something virtually unheard of in a western democracy for a party in power.”
Journalist Maria Spiliopoulou writes in Eleftheros Typos:
“Her critics accuse her of failing to introduce bold reforms to fix the problems in public administration and the health and education systems and to boost low productivity. Roberto Vanacci [founder of the far-right party Futuro Nazionale], who is now polling at 7.5 percent and narrowing the ruling coalition's lead, says that she has made too many compromises in the name of political stability.”
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